INTRODUCTION
To pronounce the name ‘Lesgaft’ in
Western educational circles is likely to evoke puzzled cries of ‘Les
who?’. While Ling and Nachtegall, Jahn and Tyrs have received
world-wide recognition for their contributions to
the development of physical education and schools of gymnastics,
Lesgaft’s glory is mostly unsung outside his native Russia.1 Many Western publications have tended either to underestimate or to ignore
native Russian sources and to ascribe the formative
influences on Soviet physical education to British
sports, the gymnastics schools of Germany, Sweden and what is
now Czechoslovakia, and Prussian military training. Rare is
the Western author who has a good word to say for Russian
sources, particularly Lesgaft.
One notable exception is the book by Van
Dalen and Bennett, but even they claim that "the Soviet
programme, both in and out of school, is modeled after the
calisthenics of Germany and the Scandinavian countries and the sports
and games of England and America";2 Morton makes the trite comment on Lesgaft that "his preeminent position in Soviet
physical culture rests — aside from his ‘correct’
scientific concepts — on the fact that he held ‘progressive’ political
views and was sympathetic to the revolutionary cause."3 None of these authors seems to have investigated Lesgaft’s position before
1917.
We are the poorer for our ignorance. For Pyotr Franzevich Lesgaft — biologist,
anatomist, educationalist and social reformer — was not only the
founder of the modern system of physical education
in tsarist Russia; it was he more than anyone else who made the
most lasting impression on contemporary Soviet physical
education. His seminal role is attested to in his own land
today: "Pyotr Franzevich Lesgaft was the founder of the
scientific system of physical education in our country."4 The respect for him extends to the honour of having his name grace
one of the two leading colleges of physical education in the
USSR — the
Lesgaft Institute of Physical Culture in Leningrad.
MAJOR WORKS
Born nearly 140 years ago in the then
Russian capital, St. Petersburg, the third son of a jeweler of German
descent, Lesgaft went on to study medicine at the Imperial
Academy of Medicine. Upon graduation in 1861 he began his
career as teacher of anatomy at the Academy; he was
subsequently invited to take up a professorship at the
University of Kazan and went there in 1869, but was soon
dismissed for his outspoken criticism of the unscientific methods
used. Barred from all teaching, he took a job from 1872 as
consultant on therapeutic gymnastics in the private
practice of Dr. Berglindt but, after the publication of several
articles and books (including a descriptive history of sport in Europe
and ancient Greece and an article published in 1874 on
naturalistic gymnastics), he was put in charge of the physical
training of military cadets — one of those acrobatic changes of
fortune not uncommon in tsarist Russia.5 The next year, 1875, he was commissioned by the War Ministry to spend two summers in Western
Europe, studying the systems of physical
education current there. Altogether, he visited 26 cities and 13 Western
European states.
The British system was evidently most to
his liking, despite the almost total lack of civilian
colleges training gymnastics teachers in Britain. What especially took
his fancy was the ‘English’ predilection for strict rules
of hygiene, team games in the open air, long walks and boat
trips, swimming and other regular exercises,6 although he abhorred the "strict orders, fagging and lording of senior pupils over
juniors"7
that he witnessed in some public schools. In
addition to English public schools, he also visited the Central Army
Gymnastics School at Aldershot, the Royal Military Academy
at Woolwich and Oxford University. On his return to
Russia in 1877, he published his
Relationship of Anatomy to Physical Education and the Major Purpose of Physical
Education in Schools, in which he outlined a physical education
programme for military colleges.
He was, in fact, able to supervise its
progress in twelve academies. At the same time, he took a
keen interest in organizing courses for physical education
instructors for the military academies — provision for which, until
then, had been
non-existent.
While
supervising officer training, Lesgaft published his major works, Family Upbringing
(1884),
Teaching Physical Education to Schoolchildren (Part 1 in
1888, Part 2 in 1901) and Fundamentals of Theoretical Anatomy (1905). His desire
to organize physical education and games in civilian schools was for some time thwarted by the authorities,
who were inclined to look on them as frivolous and tending
to encourage academic idleness. This led Lesgaft to
take an active part in the ‘Society for the Encouragement of
Physical Development’ which was founded in Odessa in 1892 and quickly spread its branches to St. Petersburg (1893), Moscow (1895)
and other towns.8
Besides stimulating public discussion of
young people’s physical development both in the home and in
school, this philanthropic organization constructed
play areas in a number of towns and provided sports amenities
for children of the poor, arranging for them team games, camps and
excursions as well as boating in summer and ice skating and
sledding in winter.
In 1894, Lesgaft became Secretary of the
St. Petersburg Society for the Encouragement of Physical
Development; through this Society he campaigned for the setting up
of civilian physical training courses for men and women. The
Society finally, in 1896, persuaded the Minister of Education
to set up the first civilian physical training courses, with
Lesgaft in charge.
However, these ‘Part-time Courses for
Training Women Instructors of Physical Exercises and Games’ were, as
their name implied,
for women only
and were not entirely what Lesgaft had envisaged. Initially for two years, Lesgaft
eventually managed to extend the courses to three
years. The admission of women to training was certainly
novel: the official view in Russia had long been
that sport was the preserve of men and that women were not suited to
it by their social status and anatomical structure.
For much of his academic career, Lesgaft fervently espoused the
cause of women’s sporting rights, giving official physical
education and anatomy courses to women students at his home
and, after 1896, at the university; 100 women students attended
in the first year and 166 in the second. They studied
physiology, theory of movement, hygiene and history of physical
education, while assigned to practical work in nurseries and
orphanages where they could study child development, particularly
through games and exercises.
They were also encouraged to attend
fencing classes four times a week, to play team games,
skate and engage in gymnastics.9
Lesgaft
regarded women’s participation in sport a means to social liberation : "Social
slavery has left its degrading imprint on women. Our task is to free the
maidenly body of its fetters, conventions and drooping posture, and return to
our pupils their freedom and suppleness which have been stolen from them. We
must develop in them firmness, initiative and independence, teach them to think
and take decisions, give them knowledge of life and make physical
educationalists out of them."10
PRINCIPAL
THEORIES
Lesgaft’s medical studies of the human system led him to the conclusion that it
was in constant development and change, partly under the influence of the social
environment; physical exercise was the only means of developing the system
overall and in its individual components. It attained optimum development when
all bodily organs were exercised in a balanced way. Physical education
instructors should, in his opinion, have a knowledge of chemistry and physics,
particularly the general laws of mechanics, so as to be able to apply them to
the ‘human mechanism’. Only thus could they comprehend the phenomena of
nutrition, growth, development, only then could they dare to take it upon
themselves "to guide and assist the proper development of young people’s
physical powers."11 On the basis of his theory, he elaborated and recommended
a system of physical education for the school and the home:
(1)the
child starts by simple movements which are explained to him but not demonstrated; he has to analyse them himself and distinguish one from another, then begin to understand them. The movements, recommended for early school classes, consist of normal walking, running, jumping and throwing a ball;
(2)the
child then learns to master exercises of gradually increasing complexity in various conditions, after which he can tackle more difficult tasks more swiftly and
easily. These exercises are designed for the intermediate classes and consist of running against the clock, long and high jumping and distance throwing ;
(3) the
child then learns to harmonize his movements in time and space and in relation
to surrounding objects, already foreseeing the result. By these exercises, he
develops muscular control and learns to act in the best
possible way in any circumstances. Exercises for the upper forms include running at a set speed, target or
distance ball throwing, exercises associated with an
understanding of spatial relationships and the temporal
distribution of effort;
(4)
simultaneously with these groups of exercises, the child checks the skills he has acquired and
consolidates them by employing difficult actions during
games, excursions and work movements.12
At each stage of physical education, different, increasingly complicated, pedagogical aims are
pursued, the main purpose being to teach the child consciously to
master the movements of his body and to attain the best
results with the minimum energy and time expenditure. In Lesgaft’s
opinion, just as in intellectual education, the child should
not merely accumulate knowledge but be able to apply it, so in
physical education, he should both develop physical skills and
be prepared to apply them
in the best way possible.
ATTITUDES TO GERMAN AND SWEDISH GYMNASTICS
The exercises to be included in his
system were mainly gymnastics, team games, excursions and
nature rambles. Lesgaft, however, opposed the German system and
any gymnastics that employed special equipment: "Exercises
employing equip ment involve sharp sensations; they
therefore blunt the emotions of young people and make them less
receptive and impressionable ; it is hardly surprising that, when
young people go to university, they smoke heavily,
drink and challenge one another to duels."13 One of his closest followers, S. Pozner, records that his thoughts on the harmfulness of
"artificial stimulants" permeated his lectures and
lay at the basis of his pedagogical views. He criticized parents
and teachers for mollycoddling children and then, when
they go to school, "in order to encourage them to study, again
resort to artificial stimulants in the form of praise, marks,
gifts and certificates.
The apathy induced in such cirsumstances
causes young people to create false impressions; the
confectioner’s becomes the threshold to the wineshop and carousing,
in the same way as school marks and awards develop a taste
for various sports and card-games. Young people become a
prey to unbearable boredom, they are ready to indulge
themselves in any wasteful pursuit and rude diversion merely to
stifle the sensations that oppress them."14 He therefore firmly upheld the view that
gymnastics which employed Swedish or German apparatus, along with organized sports and other such "rude
diversions" should be eschewed in Russian schools. Lesgaft also thought that the type of gymnastics
in vogue in Germany15 did not correspond to children’s anatomical
structure and were therefore physically harmful. On the
other hand, there was much that attracted him
in Swedish gymnastics, in particular the consecutive and gradual
principles of Ling’s system. Lesgaft himself favoured
the type of free gymnastics which would satisfy the
children’s natural desire for physical movement and achievement,
and also encourage such qualities as will-power and
initiative: "A person develops in the family, the family gives him
affection, warmth, makes him responsive and kind; the school
develops his mind, gives him the ability to form his own views,
judgments and thoughts; his moral values are formed along with an
independence of mind. Physical exercises develop activity
in a person and he acquires the ability to subordinate his
desires to his own will."16
GAMES AND HARMONIOUS DEVELOPMENT
Games were also a means of character
training. These did not, however, include (competitive) sport
which, he believed, adversely affected the moral outlook of
young people, encouraged egotism and was educationally harmful
inasmuch as it did not develop exercises gradually. Games were
to encourage a group spirit, unselfishness, social
awareness and devotion to society : "Games arouse and gradually
develop social instincts.
. . . In every school game, the player is
a member of a small society, actively participating in it,
forgetting about his personal, selfish aims and engrossed exclusively in
the attainment of common aims, all the while adhering to
all the accepted principles and laws that restrict the
right of every individual. . .
A sense of justice, of comradeship, of
fair play, an acquaintance with public opinion — these are all given
us by games. Are not these the feelings we wish our
children to possess, both as future citizens and as useful and active
members of society?"17 Nature rambles were to encourage creative thought
and action
by acquainting the child with Nature at first hand rather than through learning to rote. That is why
"excursions should not be spoiled by triumphal marches,
military evolutions, flags, badges, prizes, sport or the like. One
should constantly remember that the fewer the strong diversions, the
less the loss from the child’s standpoint, the more he
will preserve his strength and the better his
self-possession. I personally believe that excursions will encourage the child
to think, ennoble his feelings and inspire creative thought."18 For adults, too, "there is a very good English custom of taking a walk
before breakfast, even if it is only 5-6 versts (5-6 km).
After that, one can tackle any mental or physical
activity in a more active frame of mind."19
It has to be remembered that at the time Lesgaft was writing the contempt for physical exertion rather
general among the conservative section of the Russian
nobility was evoking a reaction among progressive writers who
saw physical effort as something to be revered for its own
sake; man’s physical development through labour and exercise
was presented as a sense of pride and a source of honour —
and its cultivation a duty. Such were the views of some of
Lesgaft’s contemporaries, like Count Leo Tolstoy and the
physiologist Ivan Pavlov (who referred to Lesgaft as "an outstanding
scholar and enthusiastic teacher"). As Lesgaft himself put it:
"Labour is the essence of life, its raison d’etre; work not for
yourself but for others.
Only this human labour performed by
generations of people leads to eternal perfection of the human
personality."20
Following his own example, he recommended to his
students: "Take yourselves by the scruff of the neck, my
Dear Sirs, and force yourselves to work !"21 Lesgaft’s ideal child was to grow up into the
ideal citizen — most able, physically and mentally, to provide
the greatest contribution to the common good. Such a
person had to be harmoniously developed, both physically and
intellectually, and possess the ‘ideal’ organism: "Only if
all organs are developed harmoniously is the human organism able
to improve and produce the greatest effort with the least
expenditure of time and energy."22
CONFLICT WITH AUTHORITY
The implications of Lesgaft’s system
and views went far beyond what the tsarist authorities were willing to
allow, clinging as they did to an idealistic dualism of mind and
body. In fact, Lesgaft had his work halted by the
authorities in 1901 — on the grounds that he was aiding and
abetting student protest groups (it is true, he had, in fact,
signed petitions seeking to alleviate the harsh conditions imposed
upon many protesting students). Thus, in the twilight of his
career, as at the dawn, he was again prohibited from teaching and
"forbidden to reside in capital cities of the Empire,
provincial centres and university towns for a term of two years."23 Under constant police harassment, he petitioned the tsar for a pardon, writing that
"my many years of educational and scientific
work have been wholly dedicated to the younger generation and
have never brought me personal gain, which I have not
sought. I have founded three useful institutions which are so
closely associated with my own personal fate that the sentence
imposed upon me will essentially be fatal to my work."24 However, being the subject of an autocracy which
knew next to nothing about his work, and understood even less, Russia’s leading professor of anatomy, doctor of medicine
and director of the renowned Biology Laboratory was confined
to a cottage in a Finnish25 village, virtually put under house arrest. At the end of his sentence, he returned to the capital
to resume his courses. But after his students had taken
an active part in the events known as ‘Bloody Sunday’ and
other revolutionary rumblings of 1905-07, his courses were
closed down altogether in 1907.26 Even now Lesgaft did not give up: he continued to teach his students, illegally, and constantly
badgered the authorities to revoke their ban on his
courses. But without success.
Finally, dispirited and his health broken,
Lesgaft left Russia for warmer climes but died of uraemia in Cairo in
November 1909. An idea of the extent of popular
affection for him and the official fear of his teachings may be
gained from the events surrounding his funeral in St. Petersburg
which, despite police cordons and a legal ban on graveside
orations, was attended by some six thousand people.27 Just four months later, the tsarist authorities gave way and permitted the reopening
of Lesgaft’s Courses, which continued to operate until
1919 when they became the
Lesgaft Institute of Physical Education.
CONCLUSIONS
Certain of his views are reminiscent of
Rousseau’s advice to Emile — character training through
physical activity, the political and national ends of physical culture
and its therapeutic value. Others were clearly inspired by
his acquaintance with the British system of physical education,
which he lauded, and British public-school ideas on the
unselfishness and team spirit of the type of games encouraged by the
English ‘Muscular Christians’. He himself paid tribute
above all to the French naturalist Jean-Baptiste Lamarck, as the
figure who most influenced his thinking. Typically, it was to Lamarck that his last article was devoted, written in Locarno four
months before his death. Like Lamarck, Lesgaft believed
that "the form changes as the influence of the
environment changes; everything that exercises itself improves itself,
whatever remains inactive decays, is destroyed,
disappears. This applies as much to the animal as to the plant world, as
much to man’s moral as to his physical world."28 He himself was no revolutionary; if anything, his
educational philosophy reflected the ideology of the small
but growing Russian and the large West European
liberal intelligentsia. It was, though, Lesgaft more than anyone
else who came to influence
Soviet physical education. Although his
hostility to sport — competition and the paraphernalia
surrounding it, such as badges, trophies and flags,
professionalism, public displays, victory celebrations and similar rituals
— while finding ready accord among groups such as the
‘Hygienists’ in the 1920s, came to be rejected totally with the
onset of full-scale industrialization in the early 1930s, several major tenets
of his theory and his system today underlie the physical
education system prevailing in the USSR: ideas of
‘harmonious development’, of social awareness and self-realisation through
physical education, of the principle of gradual
and consistent training, of belief in a biological justification
for exercise and games in general, of women’s social emancipation
through the bodily liberation of games and physical
education, and of the strict observance of age, sex and individual
characteristics of children when playing games and engaging in
physical exercise can all be derived from him. Training and
teaching in the USSR are still largely guided by Lesgfat’s views
on mastering bodily movements by stages, starting from the
learning of correct forms of movement in the nursery and
gradually increasing the load up to the elaboration of spatial
and temporal orientation.
The debt to Lesgaft is considerable. But it is more than a Russian debt. Lesgaft
merits consideration not only for his formative influence on
physical education in one of the world’s leading sports
nations, but for a contribution of some significance to the
general development of the philosophy of physical education. N.B. My grateful thanks for their critical
comments, corrections and kind assistance are due to Professor
N. I. Ponomaryov of the Lesgaft Institute of Physical
Culture and Mikhail Prokofiev, the Lesgaft Museum
Director. I am also indebted to Professor Bruce
Bennett, Chairman of the School of Health, Physical
Education and Recreation, Ohio State University.
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