In the last several sections, we
have been examining how stimuli are related, and how that affects some
particular type of response. In essence, what we call classical
conditioning. In this section, we begin by a discussion of instrumental
conditioning. Here, the focus is a little bit different than we saw in
classical conditioning. In addition to that, some people also call
instrumental conditioning operant conditioning. That is, in fact, an
incorrect term and we will talk about the differences between the two a
little bit later in the course. So let’s begin by reviewing the differences
between classical conditioning and instrumental conditioning. We will begin
with slide two.
In classical conditioning, basically what we saw was that
the relationship between two stimuli, (that is the conditioned stimulus and
the unconditioned stimulus), were important before the conditioned or
unconditioned response. So what we were looking at is how stimulus one, (the
CS), and how stimulus two (the UCS) work with each other, what variables
influenced each, and how we were able to get some kind of a conditioned
response.
In instrumental conditioning, this is changed somewhat.
Basically, what we look at is the relationship between some stimulus and a
particular response. That is, what a particular stimulus does is the focus
and how the stimulus, then, influences some response. And this is what we
call in psychology and learning theory, Stimulus-Response Psychology or what
is also called S-R Psychology. Instrumental conditioning begins around the
same time as classical conditioning. The different theoretical approach that
one takes ultimately makes the difference between the two.
So let’s begin by having a discussion of the two major
theorists that we talk about in instrumental conditioning since they really
began instrumental conditioning. That is, Thorndike and Guthrie. So let’s
begin with a discussion of Thorndike and we’ll do that starting on slide
four.
Thorndike is perhaps really the greatest learning theorist
of all time and as you can see on the slide there, he’s published a large
number of articles. In total, five hundred books, articles, monographs, on
and on and on. He did a lot of his work in learning, but he also did it in a
wide variety of other areas. As you can see here, he’s worked in education
and in comparative psychology. The key for Thorndike was basically that he
tried to attempt to measure everything, which is what we should do in
psychology in some form or another.
Thorndike began his work with Cattell who was primarily
working with chickens. So as a result, he begins to work with chicks.
Ultimately he switches to cats and develops a methodology that was more
suitable for animal learning and but also could be applied to human learning
as well.
Thorndike’s underlying principles were related to a
concept that was called connectionism. In this case it’s very similar to
what we would call associationism, ala, the British associationists. He
believed that associations between sensory impressions and actions were
very, very important and that these sensory impressions were basically
neurological in nature. So the connection between the two was in essence
some kind of a neurological mechanism. To do that, he began to look with a
particular type of learning and that is now called trial and error learning.
For Thorndike, it was the most basic form of learning. What Thorndike would
do is work with cats in puzzle boxes Specifically he would put a cat in a
box that had some kind of way for the cat to get out. That is, it had some
kind of escape mechanism that the cat had to push, pull, or do something to
open up the door.
What Thorndike would do is put the cat in the box and like
all cats it goes nuts trying to get out. After some five to ten minutes or
so, the cat accidentally hits some kind of escape mechanism, the door opens,
and the cat gets out. Then Thorndike would pick the cat up, stick it back in
the box and see what happens again.
Now, Thorndike was trying to test something very simple.
That is, do you get gradual learning or do you get what we would call
insight learning. That is, you start to try to figure something out, a light
bulb goes off in your head (pop), and you have the solution. So what he is
trying to test is something to that extent. What we should see is what we
observe in slide eight. That is, that if the cat forms some kind of an
association, the next time you stick it back in the box, it should get out
faster. What we should see is a very rapid learning curve or insight
learning. As you can see there are two examples where you have insight
learning on the right and a more gradual learning process on the left. So
what happens, we see on slide nine that the learning curve was very gradual.
And what Thorndike concluded was that learning was an incremental or gradual
process, and that it occurred in very small steps. It was not developed by
insight (that is, you have some light bulb go off in your head and then
wallah, you have the solution), instead, you learn things gradually over
time.
In addition, learning for Thorndike was not mediated by
some idea. That is, animals didn’t kind of look the situation over. For
example, you stick the animal in the cage and it looks around. That is, it
looks at this, and it looks at that and processed things and on and on and
on. Then it makes some particular response. Instead what you see with the
cat when you stick it in the box, it starts going all over the place. They
don’t think it over, says Thorndike. So he’s rejecting a reasoning concept
that other people had proposed in favor of some kind of direct connection
that we do and process over time.
Now he took this idea and then tried it with other
organisms. And lo and behold, he found the same thing. As we see in slide
11, he did the same thing with apes, and he found the same kind of solutions
going on with humans. So, we stick you in a cage and let’s say that you have
a variety of different things in the cage. Then we see what happens.
Generally, you don’t look around and process and on and on and on. You go
over and try different stuff, and that’s exactly the way other animals learn
as well.
Now, Thorndike began to develop some theories about
learning and they’re broken down into two major areas—information and
theories before, and after 1930. And during this time, he developed several
laws which I have listed on slide 12 including a law of readiness, the law
of exercise and the law of effect. So let’s talk about each of these.
We begin with the law of readiness in slide 13. It really
has three parts. That is, 1. When someone is ready to kind of perform some
act and to do so is satisfying. 2, When someone is ready to perform some act
and not do it (so it’s kind of annoying). And 3. When somebody is not ready
to perform an act and is forced to do so( it is annoying). So in essence,
when you’re ready to do something and you wanta do it, then it’s a very
satisfying thing. When you’re not ready to do it or you don’t want to do it,
you’re not very happy about it.
The law of readiness, says Thorndike, can interfere with
goal-directed behavior. When this occurs you become very frustrated. When
you call someone to do something that they’re not ready to do it, it’s also
very frustrating. The classic example is working with your kid. You want
them to do lots and lots of math, they’re not ready to the math, and they
don’t want toido math. So what do you have, you have a great big fight on
your hands. The same principle applies with other things as well.
Now at the time, there were some terms. One is the concept
of satisfying and annoying. So let’s define what it satisfying and annoying.
We will talk about that in slide 15. Now satisfying and annoying were
acceptable, and still are for some people even today. A satisfying state of
affairs was one where the animal does nothing to avoid it, and often does
things to in essence obtain, achieve, and preserve it. Whereas, a
discomforting or annoying state of affairs was one where the animal avoids
or abandons the situation. So this was the first law that Thorndike
developed.
The second law we begin discussing is on slide 16. That is
the law of exercise and it goes something like this. Connections between
stimuli and responses are strengthened when they’re used. And the more often
they’re used, the stronger they become. This was called the Law of Use. In
contrast, when connections between the stimulus and responses is weakened,
that is when practice is not used, some connection between the stimulus and
response kind of goes away. When you don’t practice or use it and we call
that the Law of Disuse.
So strengthening, as we see in slide 17, is basically
going to be an increase in the probability of a response that would occur
when a stimulus is presented, and that bond is strengthened. So the next
time the stimulus is presented, there is a high probability that the
response will occur. On the other hand, if you weaken it, what should
happen? Well there should be a decrease in the probability that the response
would occur.
Now the last law that Thorndike really develops and which
has a major impact is shown on slide 18. That is what is called the Law of
Effect. What the law of effect basically says is this, “When a response is
followed by a satisfying state of affairs, the strength of the connection is
increased and when a response is followed by an annoying state of affairs,
the strength of the connection is decreased.”
You cam restate this in more conventional terms. That is,
when a stimulus leads to some kind of response that leads to some kind of
goodie, that is reinforcement and the stimulus - response connection is
strengthened. If the stimulus leads a response which leads us to delivery of
some thing that is aversive, (some kind of punishing stimulus), the stimulus
response connection is weakened. In some ways, that’s very similar to some
of the operant theories that we’ll discuss a little bit later.
Now what were the implications for all of this? Well, as
we see in slide 20, it was greater than traditional association theories
which basically claimed that the frequency or occurrence or contiguity was
the determiner of the association strength. So, in essence, what the
traditional theorists were basically saying is that all you need to do is
have something together to get the strength to increase. What was the
implications for this? Well, as we see on slide 21, You needed to have some
kind of association and/or contingency of occurrence. So you had to have in
essence both. However, for Thorndike, the consequences were extremely
important for determining association strength. If you don’t have any good
consequences, that behavior then goes down.
So how is the stimulus response connection strengthened?
This is shown in slide 22. Basically he postulated that there was some kind
of reaction that occurred in the nervous system and when it was triggered in
there, the response caused something to feel good. This was neuro-physiological
in nature and not conscious to the organism. As we talk about things today
in physiological psychology, there are actual brain structures that support
that kind of an argument. That is, within the hypothalamus and the
hippocampus and some other particular brain structures. So in essence,
Thorndike has some early ideas that will impact later areas in psychology.
Now, in addition to the three major laws, there were other concepts that
Thorndike developed as well. These weren’t really as important as the
primary laws but are included and shown on slide 23, multiple response, set
or attitude, and others. So let’s talk about multiple response first.
Multiple Response, for Thorndike, was in essence really
the first step in all of learning and basically goes something like this.
You make an attempt at something. If it doesn’t solve your problem, you try
something else, so basically what we continue to do is try and try and try
until we make some kind of response and that solves the problem.
Set or Attitude. This is shown on slide 25 and that is,
what the organism brings with it. Every organism, whether it be an animal or
human, brings information and different history into the particular
situation. As we see, individual differences in learning can be explained by
lots of other things including your cultural differences, your genetic
history, how fatigued you are, have you been deprived of some particular
goodie, or whatever. What in essence acts as a satisfier or an annoyer
depends upon the organism’s background and the body state at the time of
learning. For example, you might love chocolate chip cookies, (which is the
only kind of cookie), but other people might instead of liking chocolate
chip cookies prefer to have some kind of peanut butter thing instead. So, in
essence, if you give the person a chocolate chip cookie, it could become an
annoyer, versus, if you gave a peanut butter wafer to me, it would be an
annoyer while a chocolate chip cookie would be very good satisfier. However,
we also need to remember that after 30 chocolate chip cookies, if I had to
eat another chocolate chip cookie, that could become an annoyer. So
deprivation, how much food you’ve had, etc., will become extremely important
for you as you examine the set or attitude of the organism.
The third new thing is related to Prepotency of Elements
(basically the partial or piecemeal activity of some kind of situation).
That is, only some elements of the situation govern behavior. So in essence,
you take all the stimuli in the puzzle box, no matter what the stimuli are.
So you have darkness, string, maybe a ball. The box has all sorts of
different things, and over a period of time we begin to only respond to one
of those. For the cat, it was to pull on the cord and it opened up the door.
So in essence how we respond to some particular set of stimuli depends on
what we attend to and what responses are attached to what we attend to. That
is true today, you have lots and lots of different stimuli in your
environment, and you attend only to a couple of them that are important for
you.
Now, so we’ve now talked about a variety of different
things which were all occurring before 1930. Well, what happened after 1930?
We see this starting on slide 27. The first thing that Thorndike denounced
or renounced was the law of exercise. That is, mere repetition didn’t
strengthen a response. You might get some minor improvement in the response,
but not much else. In addition to that, he also revised the law of effect.
Basically what he said was this. That the law of effect was only true when
the response resulted in a satisfying state of affairs; and that
reinforcement increases the strength of the connection. Punishment had
nothing to do with the strength of the connection. Now later theorists will
ultimately show that Thorndike was wrong about punishment. The reason that
he was wrong was due to the punisher that Thorndike used to reach his
conclusions. Later theorists that will follow him, so in essence, it was, he
wasn’t very accurate on that particular point.
Finally, belongingness. If somehow basically elements of
an association somehow belong together, the association between them was
learned and was retained more readily than if the elements did not belong
together. In essence, when you take elements of some kind of an association
that somehow work together in some kind of a system, you basically begin to
associate them together more than if the elements were not together. For
example, you might have a tennis ball and a baseball and some other things,
versus a tennis ball and a bottle of soda and a box. Ultimately, the more
elements you have belonging together, the more they are retained than
elements that don’t belong together.
So, in this section we’ve covered some of the basic
concepts that were described by Thorndike. In the second section and later
sections, we’re going to talk about some other instrumental conditioning
theorists and their impacts.
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